90岁富人

❶ 肯尼迪的话：不要问国家为你做了什么的原文在那里

原文出自1961年1月20日 美国第35任总统约翰·F·肯尼迪的就职演说。肯尼迪总统就职演说原文如下：

John F. Kennedy INAUGURAL ADDRESS

FRIDAY, JANUARY 20, 1961

Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens, we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom--symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning--signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn I before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears l prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.

The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe--the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.

We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans--born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage--and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this Nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.

Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty.

This much we pledge--and more.

To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided, there is little we can do--for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.

To those new States whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom--and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up insidect.

To those peoples in the huts and villages across the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help thelves, for whatever period is required--not ause the Communists may be doing it, not ause we seek their votes, but ause it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.

To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge--to convert our good words into good deeds--in a new alliance for pross--to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot ome the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose agssion or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this Hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.

To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support--to prevent it from oming merely a forum for invective--to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak--and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.

Finally, to those nations who would make thelves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.

We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.

But neither can two at and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course--both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.

So let us begin anew--remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear. But let us never fear to negotiate.

Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.

Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms--and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.

Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.

Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of Isaiah--to "undo the heavy burdens ... and to let the oppressed go free."

And if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved.

All this will not be finished in the first 100 days. Nor will it be finished in the first 1,000 days, nor in the life of this Administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.

In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than in mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.

Now the trumpet summons us again--not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need; not as a call to battle, though embattled we are--but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, "rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation"--a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.

Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?

In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shank from this responsibility--I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it--and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.

And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you--ask what you can do for your country.

My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.

Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.

(1)90岁富人扩展阅读

约翰·肯尼迪在第二次世界大战期间，他曾在南太平洋英勇救助了落水海军船员，因而获颁紫心勋章。在他总统任期内的主要事件包括：猪湾事件、古巴导弹危机、柏林墙的建立、太空竞赛、越南战争的早期活动以及美国民权运动。

在针对美国总统功绩的排名中，肯尼迪通常被历史学家列在排名的中部偏上的位置，但他却一直被大多数美国民众视为历史上最伟大的总统之一。

肯尼迪于1963年11月22日遇刺身亡，官方在随后的调查报告中公布的结果表明，李·哈维·奥斯瓦尔德是杀害总统的凶手。

❷ 请问“严”姓在历史上有那些名人

严 遂：战国濮阳（今河南濮阳西南）人。史载其初仕韩国，因与韩相侠累结仇，遂投齐。 严 遵：蜀郡成都（今属四川）人，西汉哲学家。好老庄，精《大易》，遵从老子有生于无的思想，认 为虚无是世界的本原，隐居不仕，以卜筮为生。著《老子指归》。 严 助：汉代会稽郡吴县（今江苏苏州）人，有贤德。时武帝求才，邵举助，帝拜为中大夫，后又任会稽太守，百姓称其为“会稽贤守”。 严 光：字子陵，会稽郡余姚（今属浙江）人。少曾与光武帝刘秀游学，有高名。后秀称帝，欲召光为谏议大夫，光隐姓埋名于浙江富春山，以垂钓自娱。 严 绶：唐代蜀（今四川）人，官至尚书右仆射、太傅。为政宽厚，所辖之地土马蕃息，境内安平。 严 仁：邵武（今属福建）人，宋代诗人，好古博雅，有《清江矣欠乃集》流于世。 严 羽：邵武人，宋代文学理论家，著有《沧浪集》二卷，现传世作品有《沧浪诗话》一卷。 严 嵩：袁州分宜(今属江西)人，明弘治年间进士。授编修，官至太子太师，专国政二十余载，陷害忠良颇多。其工诗古文辞，著有《钤山堂集》，刻《历官表奏》十二卷。严嵩死后，其子严世蕃独揽朝政，卖官鬻爵，大肆挥霍，后为林润所劾，遂处死。 严 澄：常熟（今属江苏）人，明代音乐家，“虞山派”代表人物。其演奏风格清微淡远，著《松弦馆琴谱》等。 严 拭：常熟人，明代诗画篆刻家，崇祯年间进士。能诗、善画、工篆刻，时人谓其“文才武略”。 严 复：福建福州人，清代启蒙思想家、翻译家。曾任北洋海军学堂教授、京师大学校长等职。译《天演论》、《中国教育议》等，另著《侯官严氏丛刊》、《严译名著丛刊》等，其中不乏有译成别国文字，流传国外之作。 严彭祖：汉代东海下邳（今江苏邳州）人，官任河南东郡太守、太子太傅等职。早年与颜安乐同学于眭孟，精“四书”、“五经”，对《公羊春秋》的解说精辟至极，曾谈经于天禄阁。 严可均：浙江乌程(今湖州)人，清代文字学家，嘉庆年间举人。其对文字音韵有深入研究，撰《说文声类》、《铁桥漫稿》等，另辑有《全上古三代秦汉三国六朝文》一书。 严绳孙：江苏无锡人，清代文学家。康熙时兴博学鸿词，授检讨，曾参与编修《明史》。工于诗，亦能画，著有《秋水集》。 严遂成：浙江省乌程人，清代诗人，著有《海珊诗钞》十一卷，补遗二卷、《明史杂咏》四卷、《诗经序传辑疑》二卷等巨作。 严顺开 (1937年5月18日)湖北省鄂城县人，著名影视演员，国家一级演员，并享受国务院特殊津贴。 1959考入中央戏剧学院，1963年毕业于中央戏剧学院表演系，后任上海滑稽剧团演员。从影前一直活跃在话剧舞台上。1966-1978文革 上海滑稽剧团关闭。1978年起在上海滑稽剧团任演员，兼任编导工作。1981年初次在影片《阿Q正传》中饰演主角阿Q，获第六届《大众电影》百花奖最佳男演员奖、瑞士第二届韦维国际喜剧电影节最佳男演员金手杖奖。 严凤英 黄梅戏表演艺术家，生于1930年，卒于1968年

❸ 为什么香港澳门那些富豪都80多岁90岁啦，依然年轻有活力。这就是金钱可以买到时间吗

港澳的食品安全也比国内做得好，有钱人的食品那就更加挑剔了，所以从这点上他能改善身体的健康！再加上港澳地区工业污染也少，空气也不错，有钱的富豪还有专门的医生和营养师做指导安排，所以就会有这种好的结果