90歲富人

❶ 肯尼迪的話：不要問國家為你做了什麼的原文在那裡

原文出自1961年1月20日 美國第35任總統約翰·F·肯尼迪的就職演說。肯尼迪總統就職演說原文如下：

John F. Kennedy INAUGURAL ADDRESS

FRIDAY, JANUARY 20, 1961

Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens, we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom--symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning--signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn I before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears l prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.

The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe--the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.

We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans--born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage--and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this Nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.

Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty.

This much we pledge--and more.

To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided, there is little we can do--for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.

To those new States whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom--and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up insidect.

To those peoples in the huts and villages across the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help thelves, for whatever period is required--not ause the Communists may be doing it, not ause we seek their votes, but ause it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.

To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge--to convert our good words into good deeds--in a new alliance for pross--to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot ome the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose agssion or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this Hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.

To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support--to prevent it from oming merely a forum for invective--to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak--and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.

Finally, to those nations who would make thelves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.

We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.

But neither can two at and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course--both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.

So let us begin anew--remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear. But let us never fear to negotiate.

Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.

Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms--and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.

Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.

Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of Isaiah--to "undo the heavy burdens ... and to let the oppressed go free."

And if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved.

All this will not be finished in the first 100 days. Nor will it be finished in the first 1,000 days, nor in the life of this Administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.

In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than in mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.

Now the trumpet summons us again--not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need; not as a call to battle, though embattled we are--but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, "rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation"--a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.

Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?

In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shank from this responsibility--I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it--and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.

And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you--ask what you can do for your country.

My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.

Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.

(1)90歲富人擴展閱讀

約翰·肯尼迪在第二次世界大戰期間，他曾在南太平洋英勇救助了落水海軍船員，因而獲頒紫心勛章。在他總統任期內的主要事件包括：豬灣事件、古巴導彈危機、柏林牆的建立、太空競賽、越南戰爭的早期活動以及美國民權運動。

在針對美國總統功績的排名中，肯尼迪通常被歷史學家列在排名的中部偏上的位置，但他卻一直被大多數美國民眾視為歷史上最偉大的總統之一。

肯尼迪於1963年11月22日遇刺身亡，官方在隨後的調查報告中公布的結果表明，李·哈維·奧斯瓦爾德是殺害總統的兇手。

❷ 請問「嚴」姓在歷史上有那些名人

嚴 遂：戰國濮陽（今河南濮陽西南）人。史載其初仕韓國，因與韓相俠累結仇，遂投齊。 嚴 遵：蜀郡成都（今屬四川）人，西漢哲學家。好老莊，精《大易》，遵從老子有生於無的思想，認 為虛無是世界的本原，隱居不仕，以卜筮為生。著《老子指歸》。 嚴 助：漢代會稽郡吳縣（今江蘇蘇州）人，有賢德。時武帝求才，邵舉助，帝拜為中大夫，後又任會稽太守，百姓稱其為「會稽賢守」。 嚴 光：字子陵，會稽郡餘姚（今屬浙江）人。少曾與光武帝劉秀游學，有高名。後秀稱帝，欲召光為諫議大夫，光隱姓埋名於浙江富春山，以垂釣自娛。 嚴 綬：唐代蜀（今四川）人，官至尚書右僕射、太傅。為政寬厚，所轄之地土馬蕃息，境內安平。 嚴 仁：邵武（今屬福建）人，宋代詩人，好古博雅，有《清江矣欠乃集》流於世。 嚴 羽：邵武人，宋代文學理論家，著有《滄浪集》二卷，現傳世作品有《滄浪詩話》一卷。 嚴 嵩：袁州分宜(今屬江西)人，明弘治年間進士。授編修，官至太子太師，專國政二十餘載，陷害忠良頗多。其工詩古文辭，著有《鈐山堂集》，刻《歷官表奏》十二卷。嚴嵩死後，其子嚴世蕃獨攬朝政，賣官鬻爵，大肆揮霍，後為林潤所劾，遂處死。 嚴 澄：常熟（今屬江蘇）人，明代音樂家，「虞山派」代表人物。其演奏風格清微淡遠，著《松弦館琴譜》等。 嚴 拭：常熟人，明代詩畫篆刻家，崇禎年間進士。能詩、善畫、工篆刻，時人謂其「文才武略」。 嚴 復：福建福州人，清代啟蒙思想家、翻譯家。曾任北洋海軍學堂教授、京師大學校長等職。譯《天演論》、《中國教育議》等，另著《侯官嚴氏叢刊》、《嚴譯名著叢刊》等，其中不乏有譯成別國文字，流傳國外之作。 嚴彭祖：漢代東海下邳（今江蘇邳州）人，官任河南東郡太守、太子太傅等職。早年與顏安樂同學於眭孟，精「四書」、「五經」，對《公羊春秋》的解說精闢至極，曾談經於天祿閣。 嚴可均：浙江烏程(今湖州)人，清代文字學家，嘉慶年間舉人。其對文字音韻有深入研究，撰《說文聲類》、《鐵橋漫稿》等，另輯有《全上古三代秦漢三國六朝文》一書。 嚴繩孫：江蘇無錫人，清代文學家。康熙時興博學鴻詞，授檢討，曾參與編修《明史》。工於詩，亦能畫，著有《秋水集》。 嚴遂成：浙江省烏程人，清代詩人，著有《海珊詩鈔》十一卷，補遺二卷、《明史雜詠》四卷、《詩經序傳輯疑》二卷等巨作。 嚴順開 (1937年5月18日)湖北省鄂城縣人，著名影視演員，國家一級演員，並享受國務院特殊津貼。 1959考入中央戲劇學院，1963年畢業於中央戲劇學院表演系，後任上海滑稽劇團演員。從影前一直活躍在話劇舞台上。1966-1978文革 上海滑稽劇團關閉。1978年起在上海滑稽劇團任演員，兼任編導工作。1981年初次在影片《阿Q正傳》中飾演主角阿Q，獲第六屆《大眾電影》百花獎最佳男演員獎、瑞士第二屆韋維國際喜劇電影節最佳男演員金手杖獎。 嚴鳳英 黃梅戲表演藝術家，生於1930年，卒於1968年

❸ 為什麼香港澳門那些富豪都80多歲90歲啦，依然年輕有活力。這就是金錢可以買到時間嗎

港澳的食品安全也比國內做得好，有錢人的食品那就更加挑剔了，所以從這點上他能改善身體的健康！再加上港澳地區工業污染也少，空氣也不錯，有錢的富豪還有專門的醫生和營養師做指導安排，所以就會有這種好的結果